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OBASANJO'S DECLINING PROFILE AT HOME AND ABROAD 

 

LAOLU AKANDE
Editor-in Chief
 
President Olusegun Obasanjo's international stature is beginning to attract greater critical attention as the dispute between him and his deputy worsens threatening the conduct of a free and fair election in Nigeria in April.
 
Apart from the crisis' potential to increasingly damage the president's larger than life profile around the world, the country's two recent losses at the United Nations are also being seen as poor reflection on the otherwise respectable air of the president.
 
The Guardian for instance learnt that Obasanjo played a role in the way and manner his former Finance and later Foreign Affairs Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala lost her promising bid to become the UN deputy Secretary-General. And this might have created a cold reaction to Obasanjo from the United Nations top officials.
 
According to informed UN sources, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon had actually decided to name Okonjo-Iweala as his deputy until Obasanjo refused to give his blessing, which then compelled Mr. Ban (editors-in South Korea, the last name comes first) to hurriedly offer the job to another candidate who was then told to accept in short notice since Ban had committed to a quick appointment of a deputy.
 
It was disclosed that Ban was disappointed that Obasanjo opted not to expressly support Iweala. Nigerian government official source had denied that Obasanjo withheld support for Iweala, and the UN official source has also said reports that Ban preferred Iweala were "mere media speculations," according to Michelle Montas, Spokesperson to the United Nations Secretary-General. Montas did not categorically deny the reports besides describing them as speculations.
 
However Montas confirmed that it is indeed the tradition that at the UN, the Secretary-General would normally inform the president or head of a government before appointing their citizens to such top positions.
 
What has however surfaced is a cold relationship between Ban Ki-moon and President Obasanjo, both of whom have been seen to be very close in the last few months. For instance Obasanjo met Ban while on a visit to South Korea, soon after Ban had won the UN election to the post.
 
Again they met in December in New York as Ban started to put together his transition team, and Obasanjo was in town for a celebratory evening organised for him by Andrew Young. At that meeting at the Waldorf Astoria, both Ban and Obasanjo were alone in the room, as their aides were excused to the surprise of some of them.
 
But it is believed according to one version of what happened that Ban at some point had hinted Obasanjo of his intention to consider Iweala for the position without receiving any opposing views from Obasanjo until when he actually decided to choose her, at which time, the Nigerian president reportedly stalled.
 
Another version however said Ban was actually advised at the last minute not to appoint Iweala, whose considerable international profile in her own right might make her far more independent than the Secretary-General might be willing to tolerate. 
 
The cold relationship between Obasanjo and Ban came to the fore recently in Addis Ababa where they had both attended the African Union summit. A planned meeting between Obasanjo and Ban was suddenly canceled after Obasanjo, according to Nigerian sources had asked for a rescheduling.
 
UN Spokesperson Montas confirmed that the meeting was canceled but only because of scheduling problems. Sources in the UN Spokesperson's office added however that indeed Obasanjo's appointment with Ban did not make the final confirmed list of those approved to meet Ban who was in Addis Ababa for two nights.
 
Similarly, Nigeria's lose of the headship of the UN Department of Political Affairs held by former External Affairs Minister Prof. Ibrahim Agboola Gambari is also seen as a poor reflection on Obasanjo, who was believed to have refused to raise the issue with Ban even when top Nigerian government officials had asked him to do so.
 
For instance it is well known at the UN, that Nigeria's Ambassador and Permanent Representative to the UN, Alhaji Aminu Wali actively sought and fought for Nigeria to keep that office, also because of fear that once Nigeria lost the headship of that department, sub-Saharan Africa will not head any UN department anymore at the UN.
 
Although a Sub-Saharan African is now the deputy Secretary-General at the UN, diplomats regard the control of a department to be more influential than the office of deputy Secretary General, a post created by Annan. A diplomat said giving that post to an African-from Tanzania- is like a shortchange that shoots down black African nations who may want to clamor for top positions at the UN, especially headship of a department. However, Egypt, an African country, but which is regarded more as Middle-Eastern got the headship of the Department of General Assembly Affairs.
 
But the continuing political crisis regarding the April presidential election is causing Obasanjo to also loose considerable support abroad, especially in the United States. US sources said short of his utility in resolving African conflicts, the US government have lost confidence in Obasanjo's management of Nigeria, especially the political transition.
 
A diplomat pointed to the recent very scathing opinion article on President Obasanjo by a former US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa Herman J. Cohen published recently in the International Herald Tribune. The source said the article was timed to the recently concluded France-Africa summit held in Cannes, France by the French President Jacques Chirac, attended by several African presidents including Obasanjo.
 
It was explained that Cohen who is perceived as an unofficial spokesperson of the US government during the alleged Obasanjo third term debate, is also now speaking out the minds of very senior US government officials regarding Obasanjo's place. Cohen is said to be one of the few career Ambassadors the US has produced in recent times, and his a Republican who served during the presidency of George H. Bush as the US top official on Africa. The source said whatever Cohen says is very reflective of the minds of US top foreign policy makers, because he is still "plugged into to the US government system."
 
Comparing Obasanjo's internal policy with his famed international profile, Cohen said in that article that the Nigerian president's  role in internal affairs of the country "has been far less laudable." He lampooned Obasanjo's energy policies observing that they "have done little to alleviate Nigeria's crushing poverty and social unrest." Also Cohen says " as Obasanjo enters the final months of his second four-year term, he is subverting his country's fragile democracy in order to prolong his personal power."

According to the retired US career Ambassador, "Obasanjo began to monopolize power from the day he entered office in 1999. He kept the oil portfolio for himself so that he could use Nigeria's vast oil wealth for political ends. All politicians were beholden to him for money. He established an anti-corruption commission. But the record shows that his friends were exempt and his enemies were investigated whether or not they had dirt on their hands. He also manipulated the awarding of contracts and mineral concessions to intimidate potential rivals."

Besides, sources point to the recent critical assessment of democratic developments in Nigeria recently by a top US official as another indication of Obasanjo's declining respect in US government circles.
 
For instance in a report last month to the US Congress, US National Intelligence Director, Ambassador John Negroponte, another close George W. Bush foreign policy expert/wonk had this to say of Nigeria under Obasanjo:
 
"Nigeria's fragile democratic transition is in danger of collapsing in the coming months. The
government's institutional foundations are hollow from decades of neglect and corruption and
will continue to make the country susceptible to recurring crises in the coming years. Abuja has
been unable to stem rising lawlessness and insecurity in its oil-producing region, and the
Nigerian population is increasingly demoralized from worsening living conditions in the face of
much publicized improvements in the country's macroeconomic indicators. Major political
unrest in Nigeria would threaten other countries in the region."
 
This same official had warned in a similar report last year of a possible “major turmoil and conflict” in Nigeria if President Olusegun Obasanjo seeks approval of a constitutional amendment permitting him to seek a third term in office.   
 

 

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